Match these governors - Jerry Brown and Tom Corbett - with the following words: historical and hysterical.
Brown signed legislation on Aug. 8, 2010, to end the electoral college’s grip on presidential elections. California’s 55 electoral votes provided a movement to sideline the electoral college a chance to be taken seriously.
Corbett made it harder to be taken seriously when, the following month, he backed a legislative proposal to award electoral votes by congressional districts in Pennsylvania instead of according to who wins the popular vote statewide. Not a word about working to end the electoral college.
Brown’s signature left us with hope that in a presidential election in the near future, perhaps as soon as 2016, a candidate need only win the popular vote to move into the White House. The numbers signal that it is reasonable to expect that the electoral college will mangle the democratic process no longer.
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The electoral college leads the pack of other glitches in the system, including concerns about the amendment process, federal control of Washington, Puerto Rican statehood and other relatively minor issues.
It was more than a decade ago when we were bludgeoned over the head with an anachronistic handicap to the democratic process. George W. Bush lost the popular vote in 2000 and it was never clear if he even won the electoral college vote.
At best, Bush took Florida by a 537-vote margin in a state populated by 18.5 million people representing scattered races, religions, ideologies and political leanings.
Philadelphians who voted for Bush were no help to him. Al Gore collected all of Pennsylvania’s electoral votes because he won the popular vote there. However, Gore lost the election nationwide because Bush won the majority of the electoral votes, so Bush’s backers in Philadelphia got their wish, anyway - if indirectly.
That is how strange the system gets.
Besides, there was never a conclusive determination as to who won the most electoral votes.
Instead of tinkering around the edges, Pennsylvania lawmakers need to work strenuously to replace the Electoral College with the popular vote. I would be surprised if a Republican legislative plan to revamp the presidential electoral system here is not being pursued for partisan purposes. Whatever the motive, this new process will still deprive citizens of a vote that counts.
Gov. Tom Corbett and state legislators have a historic opportunity to make the popular vote a reality, even without struggling through the amendment process. A movement known as National Popular Vote has already convinced eight states (plus Washington, D.C.) to commit to turn over their electoral votes to the presidential candidate who wins the most votes nationwide.
To work, the process requires the commitment of states combining 270 electoral votes. California provided a massive 55 votes last Aug. 8 when Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation to this effect. That raised the number to the 132-vote mark. Pennsylvania’s 20 votes would boost it to 152 votes. Four presidents reached the White House while losing the popular vote, the latest occurring only 11 years ago. Let’s avoid taking the fifth on this.
The most notorious snag in the U.S. Constitution - the electoral college - could be sidelined in the coming years. Many of us may actually live to experience it.
A movement to render the electoral college irrelevant, through a backdoor method, has been plodding along in recent years. A giant step toward that end was taken in Sacramento on Monday, Aug. 8, 2011.
It left us with hope that in a presidential election in the near future, perhaps as soon as 2016, a candidate need only win the popular vote to move into the White House. The numbers signal that it is reasonable to expect that the electoral college will mangle the democratic process no longer.
California lawmakers passed identical measures in 2006 and 2008 to join other states in turning over the electoral votes of all participating states to the presidential candidate who wins the most votes nationwide, according to The San Francisco Chronicle. (SFChronicle, 8/9/11) California’s electoral votes currently go to the person who wins the most votes in the state.
Most California voters might choose one candidate, but the state’s electoral votes could be handed to the competitor. It would also make it impossible for a presidential candidate to win an election without a majority of support nationwide, the Chronicle reported.
Both bills were vetoed by then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican. The sponsor of the bills, Democrat Jerry Hill of San Mateo, discovered that the third time was the charm when Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown signed new legislation to the same effect.
Seven states and Washington, D.C., preceded California in this venture, but as America’s most populous state California added 55 electoral votes.
Under federal law, states representing a majority of electoral votes, 270 out of 538, must agree in order to shift how votes are awarded in those states.
Brown’s signature brings the number up to 132, almost half the required amount.
It was more than a decade ago when we were bludgeoned over the head with an anachronistic handicap to the democratic process. George W. Bush lost the popular vote in 2000 and it was never clear if he even won the electoral college vote.
At best, Bush took Florida by a 537-vote margin in a state populated by 18.5 million people representing scattered races, religions, ideologies and political leanings.
In an era when it took six days to travel 150 miles, the delegates to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787 created the electoral college partly because of sparse communications. How could people assess the qualifications of presidential candidates when they had no way of knowing anything about them? That is a reason mentioned in Richard Beeman’s “Plain, Honest Men: The Making of the American Revolution.”
With today’s media outlets and technological advantages, 308 million Americans have no excuse for being unfamiliar with our presidential candidates. Usually we know more than we want to.
With this communications arsenal, the public can decide who runs our country, not a select group of people who are known as electors.
An obscure California-based group called National Popular Vote has been working with state lawmakers throughout the nation since 2006. States which made this commitment prior to Brown’s endorsement on Aug. 8 are Hawaii, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Vermont and Washington (the state) plus Washington, D.C.
That leaves states with a combined 138 electoral votes.
It is possible for this mission to succeed, says NPV founder John Koza of Los Altos Hills near Palo Alto. Brown’s signature “gives it the credibility so that it’s not just a theoretic or academic idea,” he said, according to The Sacramento Bee. (Sacbee, 8/9/11)
He is right. We can hardly describe the possibility as “likely” or “inevitable” at this stage. It has an even chance and will take ongoing effort. Colossal effort.
Koza’s Web site lists 12 states with 111 electoral votes among them which have moved on this approach in varying degrees. Both the House and Senate in Colorado and Rhode Island have passed bills to this end. Bills in the other 10 states have either been introduced or passed in one of the two chambers of each state.
New York’s state Senate, controlled by the Republicans, voted 47-13 for the measure. The other states to have initiated action are Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Michigan, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina and Oregon.
That brings us to 243 electoral votes if each of these states follows through, which is no guarantee. That leaves 27 electoral votes.
Four states which might join this movement come to mind. They are Minnesota, Ohio, Virginia and Wisconsin whose votes amount to 51 votes.
While Koza does not view this issue a partisan matter, it is likely that Democratic-leaning states will join the effort more than Republican states. Some of these states would not support this venture now, but a change in political influence could allow us voters to decide who is elected…elected…as our president.
The monster that devoured the presidency four times and threatens to do so again, so to speak, may at last be kept at bay, perhaps in time for the 2016 presidential election.
A mild-mannered Clark Kent-style movement has been plodding along in recent years to toss a net over this political Godzilla, without resorting to assassination. This movement, called the National Popular Vote, has been working with numerous state governments so they will assent to surrendering their electoral votes if one presidential candidate wins the popular vote.
So far, Massachusetts, Vermont, Washington, D.C., and five other states have signed on. A giant step was taken in Sacramento on Aug. 8 when California Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation committing our most populous state to join the other states.
California added a mammoth 55 electoral votes that day. Under federal law, states representing a majority of electoral votes, 270 out of 538, must agree in order to shift how votes are awarded in those states. Brown’s signature brings the number up to 132, almost half the required amount.
So we are left with hope that a presidential candidate can move into the White House by receiving the majority or plurality of individual votes, not the majority of electoral votes - even without slaying our constitutional dragon. No need to seek a constitutional amendment to overturn the electors’ system.
California’s electoral votes currently go to the person who wins the most votes in the state. Most California voters might choose one candidate, but the state’s electoral votes could be handed to the competitor under the proposed system. It would also make it impossible for a presidential candidate to win an election without a majority or plurality of support nationwide, as The San Francisco Chronicle reported.
It was more than a decade ago when we were bludgeoned over the head with an anachronistic handicap to the democratic process. George W. Bush lost the popular vote in 2000, and it was never clear if he even won the electoral college vote. At best, Bush took Florida by a 537-vote margin in a state populated by 18.5 million people representing scattered races, religions, ideologies and political leanings. Bush was the fourth successful presidential candidate to falling short of winning the popular vote.
In an era when communications were sparse, the delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia created the system of electors - known as the electoral college - partly because of sparse communications throughout the states. How could people assess the qualifications of presidential candidates when they had no way of knowing anything about them? That reason is mentioned by constitutional scholars.
During the ratification process, as a point in fact, Dummer Sewall spent six days on horseback traveling from Bath, Me., to Boston to serve as a delegate at Massachusetts’ ratifying convention, according to Pauline Maier‘s “Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788”. With today’s media outlets and technological advantages, 308 million Americans can readily access the qualifications of our presidential candidates.
The other states which made this commitment prior to Brown’s endorsement are Hawaii, Illinois, Maryland, New Jersey, and Washington. That leaves acquiring the support of states with a combined 138 electoral votes. National Popular Vote founder John Koza of Los Altos Hills, near Palo Alto, said Brown’s signature “gives it the credibility so that it’s not just a theoretic or academic idea,” according to The Sacramento Bee. (Sacbee, 8/9/11) He is right. We can hardly describe the possibility as likely or inevitable, but it has an even chance and will take ongoing effort to make it succeed.
Koza’s Web site lists 12 states with 111 electoral votes among them which have moved on this approach in varying degrees. Both the House and Senate in Rhode Island and Colorado have passed bills to this end. Bills in the other 10 states have either been introduced or passed in one of the two chambers of each state.
New York’s state Senate, controlled by the Republicans, voted 47-13 for the measure. Maine and Connecticut are among the other states to have initiated action; the rest are Arkansas, Delaware, Michigan, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina and Oregon.
That brings us to 243 electoral votes if each of these states follows through, which is no guarantee. Another 27 electoral votes will be necessary. Four states which might join this movement come to mind: Minnesota, Ohio, Virginia and Wisconsin whose votes amount to 51 votes.
While Koza does not view this issue as a partisan matter, it is likely that Democratic-leaning states will join the effort more than Republican states. Some of these states would not support this venture now, but a change in political alignmnet could allow voters to decide who is elected…elected…as our president.
New York’s state Senate, controlled by the Republicans, voted 47-
The most notorious snag in the U.S. Constitution - the electoral college - could be rendered ineffective in the coming years, perhaps in time for the 2016 presidential election.
A movement to create a backdoor method to replace it with the popular vote has been plodding along in recent years. A giant step toward that end was taken in Sacramento on Monday, Aug. 8.
It left us with hope that a presidential candidate will need only win the popular vote to move into the White House. An analysis of this movement’s efforts signals that the electoral college can be stopped from mangling the democratic process once and for all.
California Gov. Jerry Brown signed legislation committing our most populous state to join other states in turning over their electoral votes to the presidential candidate who wins the most votes nationwide, according to The San Francisco Chronicle. (SFChronicle, 8/9/11) California’s electoral votes currently go to the person who wins the most votes in the state.
Most California voters might choose one candidate, but the state’s electoral votes could be handed to the competitor. It would also make it impossible for a presidential candidate to win an election without a majority of support nationwide, the Chronicle reported.
Massachusetts, Vermont, Washington, D.C., and five other states preceded California in this venture, but California added a mammoth 55 electoral votes on Aug. 8. Under federal law, states representing a majority of electoral votes, 270 out of 538, must agree in order to shift how votes are awarded in those states. Brown’s signature brings the number up to 132, almost half the required amount.
It was more than a decade ago when we were bludgeoned over the head with an anachronistic handicap to the democratic process. George W. Bush lost the popular vote in 2000 and it was never clear if he even won the electoral college vote.
At best, Bush took Florida by a 537-vote margin in a state populated by 18.5 million people representing scattered races, religions, ideologies and political leanings.
In an era when communications were sparse, the delegates to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia in 1787 created the electoral college partly because of sparse communications. How could people assess the qualifications of presidential candidates when they had no way of knowing anything about them? That is a reason mentioned by constitutional scholars.
With today’s media outlets and technological advantages, 308 million Americans can readily ascertain the qualifications of our presidential candidates. Usually we know more than we want to.
With this communications arsenal, the public should decide who runs our country, not a select group of people who are known as electors.
An obscure California-based group called National Popular Vote has been working with state lawmakers throughout the nation since 2006.
The other states which made this commitment prior to Brown’s endorsement are Hawaii, Illinois, Maryland, New Jersey, and Washington.
That leaves states with a combined 138 electoral votes.
It is possible for this mission to succeed, says NPV founder John Koza of Los Altos Hills, near Palo Alto. Brown’s signature “gives it the credibility so that it’s not just a theoretic or academic idea,” according to The Sacramento Bee. (Sacbee, 8/9/11)
He is right. We can hardly describe the possibility as likely or inevitable, but it has an even chance and will take ongoing effort to make it succeed.
Koza’s Web site lists 12 states with 111 electoral votes among them which have moved on this approach in varying degrees. Both the House and Senate in Rhode Island and Colorado have passed bills to this end. Bills in the other 10 states have either been introduced or passed in one of the two chambers of each state.
New York’s state Senate, controlled by the Republicans, voted 47-13 for the measure. Maine and Connecticut are among the other states to have initiated action; the others are Arkansas, Delaware, Michigan, Nevada, New Mexico, North Carolina and Oregon.
That brings us to 243 electoral votes if each of these states follows through, which is no guarantee. Another 27 electoral votes will be necessary.
Four states which might join this movement come to mind. They are Minnesota, Ohio, Virginia and Wisconsin whose votes amount to 51 votes.
While Koza does not view this issue as a partisan matter, it is likely that Democratic-leaning states will join the effort more than Republican states. Some of these states would not support this venture now, but a change in political influence could allow us voters to decide who is elected…elected…as our president.
Democrat Jerry Hill of San Mateo, discovered that the third time was the charm when Democratic Gov. Jerry Brown signed new legislation
During the ratification process, Dummer Sewall spent six days on horseback traveling from Bath, Me., to Boston to Massachusetts’ ratifying convention, according to Pauline Maier‘s “Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788”.
The The most notorious
To: Paul LePage, Maine’s gov
Subject: Your taste in art
Oh, Paul, you moved too hastily.
Your discomfort with that 36-foot-wide mural recounting Maine’s commie-pinko history…er, labor history…rates sympathy, but there is a solution that should satisfy everyone.
Your spokeswoman, Adrienne Bennett, made a valid point when she told The New York Times: “The Department of Labor is a state agency that works very closely with both employees and employers, and we need to have a décor that represents neutrality.” (nyt, a18, 3/24/11)
We heartily concur that Judy Taylor, who created the mural, got hysterical in saying, “I don’t agree that it’s one-sided. It’s based on historical fact. I’m not sure how you can say history is one-sided.”
We’re surprised you have not dubbed Taylor one of those “idiots” who protested the mural’s removal or instructed her to “kiss my butt” as you suggested to the NAACP some weeks ago.
Lynn Pasquerella, upset about your regard for the late Secretary of Labor Frances Perkins, went into a temper tantrum as evidenced by her March 30 letter to the Times. Pasquerella is president of Mt. Holyoke College, Perkins’s alma mater. (nyt, a24, 3/30/11)
She wrote: “Perkins, who is buried in Maine, also had deep roots there. She is an extraordinary role model for girls and women seeking inspiration in a world that needs more female leaders. Moreover, she sets an example for the political figures of today as to how service to our nation’s working people must always be at the core of our national enterprise.”
That last line was a jab at you, Paul, considering these wild accusations that you do not care about ordinary people.
In case you are as forgetful as you are idiotic - your enemies’ attitude, of course - let’s backtrack.
First, you ordered the removal of this mural which documents Maine’s labor history in the reception area of the state’s Department of Labor building in Augusta, and then you ordered it removed to a secret location - all because business executives might feel uncomfortable there.
Perkins is drawn in one mural conferring with some of the women and children whose lives she helped improve as secretary of labor under Franklin Delano Roosevelt. After graduating Mt. Holyoke, she would go on to witness the tragic Triangle Waistshirt fire in Lower Manhattan and, as Pasquerella points out, aided Roosevelt “in bringing about landmark reforms like the Wagner Act, the Fair Labor Standards Act and Social Security.”
You also ordered renaming a number of rooms which are already named after Perkins and other labor figures.
Some balance is needed that calls for a two-step solution. Retrieve the mural and re-display it. Then, display an alternate artist’s rendering that your business associates will appreciate.
Got it! A huge portrait of a shark on any wall nearest to the labor mural. That should make your corporate friends more comfortable, especially their lawyers.
Let’s carry this further. At the state’s Ethics Commission, we can set up a huge photo of Richard Nixon when he flung his arms in the air before boarding a helicopter.
At your business development office, we could display a massive white whale to reflect the flabby, contented nature of business leaders, who are presumably mostly white, and it would be in keeping with nautical themes tied to Maine.
No lobsters, of course. We don’t want anyone to see red.
The Waste Management office can be decorated with notes containing your quotes and your photo can hang at the Maine Developmental Disabilities Council.
As a periodic visitor to Maine, I would think that displaying any mural anywhere in Augusta is the most effective means of concealing it from the world, and perhaps from the rest of Maine. Augusta is hardly the attraction we find in Bar Harbor, Camden, Portland, Ogunquit or Sebago Lake. Should the mural be displayed at the Labor office once again, Augusta will likely be a must-see draw for many tourists.
If you don’t like it, Paul, you can kiss my butt.
Sens. Susan Collins and Joseph I. Lieberman should be proud of brokering the deal to trash the “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” law that discriminated against gays in the military. (check when this happened)
It did not take long for them to disgrace themselves by bullying the people of Washington, D.C., when they threatened to slash school funding if city leaders refuse to revive a school voucher program.
Just another cynical reminder that Congress can impose pet policies on their host city that they cannot do to any other city. The Constitution in Article I, Section 8, authorizes Congress “To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of Particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States.”
Washington has been allowed limited self-government since 1973, but is still under the thumb of Congress. D.C. residents have no voting representation in either the House or the Senate and could not even vote for president until 1961. Del. Eleanor Holmes Norton represents Washington in the House in an advisory capacity.
Lieberman and Collins convened a hearing of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee on Feb. 16, 2011, when they scolded D.C. politicos in declaring that they are prioritizing the renewal of the voucher program, called the D.C. Opportunity Scholarship Program, The Washington Post reported. (WP, b5, 2/17/11)
“I think the extra funds that come to D.C….will be in serious jeopardy if the opportunity funding is not in this three-part program of public and charter schools,” said Lieberman, an independent representing Connecticut; he is a former Democrat normally allied with the Democratic party.
Added Collins, a Maine Republican, “I believe unless there is a three-sector approach, the money for D.C. public schools and D.C. charter schools will be in jeopardy.”
Lieberman, who chairs the committee, has joined with Collins to sponsor legislation to revive the voucher program for new enrollees. In the Republican-controlled House of Representatives, Speaker John A. Boehner said he is proposing similar legislation which will mean an extra $2.3 million for 2011 and $20 million over the next five years, according to the Post. (wp, fp, 3/16/11)
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s attitude toward this kind of measure was made clear two years earlier during a previous voucher dust-up, as quoted in The Los Angeles Times: “How would the rest of the states feel if we suddenly determined what was going to happen in those states with regard to vouchers, school choice and charter schools?” (LA Times, 3/11/11)
At the time, scandal-scarred Republican Sen. John Ensign (both he and Reid are from Nevada) said on behalf of vouchers, “What we are talking about here is kids ahead of the special-interest groups.”
Congress voted to raise spending on D.C. public and charter schools in 2004 as part of a pact to enact a $14 million voucher program allotting $7,500 to families who wish to enroll their children in private school, according to the Post. The White House suspended the program in 2009, but students participating in the program as of 2010 are permitted to retain their yearly vouchers through graduation.
Finally, the House voted in favor of vouchers in D.C. on March 30, 2011, but now must go before the Senate.
Two Washingtonians earlier expressed their fury in the Post. Eleanor Holmes Norton, the delegate for D.C., said during a hearing in the House in February 2011: “The inescapable conclusion is that the Republicans believe they can indulge their personal and ideological preferences with impunity here in the District.”
Marc Osgoode Smith’s letter to the editor was published Feb. 19; he is co-chair of the Local School Advisory Board of the Capitol Hill Cluster School. He wrote, “Sens. Lieberman…and Collins threaten to impose financial penalties on more than 45,000 D.C. Public Schools students over a $14 million political hot potato. (wp, a20, 2/19/11)
“And perhaps more disturbing, The Post’s editorial board actually endorses this exercise in extortion,” he continued. “Even my fourth-grader and kindergartner would know the inherent unfairness and cynicism of tying their educational aspirations to an issue in which they have neither a stake nor a voice.
“Congress wants vouchers? Why not just appropriate the money to the U.S. Education Department and have it administer the program? It is, after all, a federal initiative. But to threaten education funding for 45,000 children - not to mention a reform effort the senators ostensibly support - over an issue that they themselves have the power to resolve? That’s just childish.”
What’s important is less the merits of school vouchers than the gall of anyone exploiting their power to dictate policy to another jurisdiction. The 600,000 citizens of Washington are Americans like all members of Congress. Of course, many relocated from other communities around the nation.
It stands to reason that the framers of the Constitution simply wanted property they could control to operate a functioning government - not to subjugate Washington residents as England’s King George III subjugated them. There can be little doubt that the framers would have supported adjustments in this arrangement if they knew it would lead to this situation.
Many women would no doubt agree that Harry Burn, as a member of the male species, was good for something.
Burn singlehandedly gave women the right to vote. As a legislator in Tennessee, Burn had been voting against suffrage for women when the 19th Amendment came before that state’s Senate and House of Representatives for a ratification vote. On Aug. 18, 1920, the 24-year-old Burn recognized that his anti-suffrage vote in the House would keep it tied 48-48. He decided to obey his mom, who had urged him to support the right of women to vote.
Tennessee was almost the final hope for suffragists. Eight state legislatures had already voted down ratification, and the governors of Vermont and Connecticut - which have since elected female governors - would not even authorize a vote in their respective legislatures. Tennessee’s legislature was the last of 36 states to ratify the 19th Amendment, which became law on Aug. 26. All American women were allowed to vote in the 1920 presidential election.
The 72-year struggle to grant women the right to vote is a fascinating story, which makes one wonder if there could have been an easier way. James Wilson, the first delegate to the Constitutional Convention to speak publicly in favor of the Constitution, assured fellow Pennsylvanians at the State House on Oct. 6, 1787, that serious problems with the Constitution can be resolved later through the amendment process, according to Professor Pauline Maier’s book, “Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788.”
Wilson did not seem to mention that the framers of the Constitution prohibited a simple majority of members of Congress, the people or the states from amending the Constitution. They raised the bar so high that the most reasonable measures could be rejected. Article V requires the approval of two-thirds of both houses of Congress and ratification by three-fourths of the states to enact an amendment.
Article V reads in full: “The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and forth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.”
Defenders of the Constitution in its current form - counting the 27 amendments - would contend that this uphill process ensures that only worthy amendments will become the law of the land. It also ensures that the will of the majority is thwarted and that minorities can be denied basic rights.
Any proposed amendment, no matter how beneficial, can easily be blocked on the basis of parochial interests by one-third plus one of members of the House or the Senate or, if it gets past Congress, stopped short in one-fourth plus one of the state legislatures.
It is ironic that women in America traditionally outnumber men yet could not vote until 1920.
A New York Times account dated June 5, 1919, reported that women have clamored for the right to vote since the American Revolution. The Seneca Falls, N.Y., women’s rights convention in 1848 was the first major suffrage demonstration.
Movement leader Susan B. Anthony was arrested in 1872 when she made a test vote at the polls and was arrested. She refused to pay her fine, but was never jailed.
Anthony drafted the proposed federal amendment in 1878 and a California senator introduced the amendment in the Senate.
The amendment reads: “Section 1 - The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex; Section 2 - Congress shall have power, by appropriate legislation, to enforce the provisions of this article.”
The Times account adds: “In 1878 the vote was 16 yeas to 34 nays; in 1914 it failed by 11 votes, in 1918 it failed by two votes, and on Feb. 10, 1919, it failed by one vote. It has been voted on three times in the House. It failed there in 1915 by 78 votes. In 1918 it passed the House with one vote to spare. On May 21, 1919, it passed the House with 14 votes more than the necessary two-thirds.”
The Times story continues, “Foreign countries or divisons of countries in which women have suffrage are: Isle of Man, granted 1881; New Zealand, 1893; Australia, 1902; Finland, 1906; Norway, 1907; Iceland, 1913; Denmark, 1915; Russia, 1917; Canada, Austria, England, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Poland, Scotland and Wales, 1918; Holland and Sweden, 1919.”
The final drive to achieve congressional support paralleled Woodrow Wilson’s administration. When Wilson was inaugurated president in 1913, Alice Paul from Mt. Laurel, N.J., led a march of 8,000 participants in Washington. Through the years before Congress finally acted, Paul and the National Women’s Party picketed the White House, staged large suffrage marches and demonstrations, and spent time in jail, wrote Jone Johnson Lewis in About.com/Women’s History.
“A family legend is that my grandmother was one of a number of women who chained themselves to a courthouse door in Minneapolis during this period,” Johnson wrote.
Johnson recounted that the work of women who were employed in factories to support America’s role in World War I inspired the President Wilson to finally endorse the women’s right to vote. He said in a Sept. 18, 1918, speech: “We have made partners of the women in this war. Shall we admit them only to a partnership of suffering and sacrifice and toil and to a partnership of right?”
So finally the showdown arrived in Tennessee as both supporters and opponents lobbied the legislature. The Senate passed the amendment and in the House it all boiled down to Harry Burn, then 24 years old. He broke the tie in favor of the amendment after his mother, Febb Ensminger Burn, sent him a telegram, which read in part: “Dear Son: Hurrah, and vote for suffrage!“
In a biographical sketch, Brown was quoted to say years after the vote: “I had always believed that women had an inherent right to vote. It was a logical attitude from my standpoint. My mother was a college woman, a student of national and international affairs who took an interest in all public issues. She could not vote. Yet the tenant farmers on our farm, some of whom were illiterate, could vote. On that roll call, confronted with the fact that I was going to go on record for time and eternity on the merits of the question, I had to vote for ratification.”
Johnson recalled that Charlotte Woodward was the only woman who attended the convention of 1848 who was alive in 1920 when she was finally eligible to vote, but evidently she was too ill to go out to vote.
Had the amendment process been simpler…
Pity the poor independent voter whose attitude toward the two major parties is simple: A pox on both your houses.
That long-standing phrase could be taken literally given GOP control of the U.S. House of Representatives and Democratic control of the U.S. Senate.
Many independents voted for Republicans last November to send a message: If those in charge mess up, we will vote them out. At this rate, Republicans will be vulnerable to voter wrath in November 2012. The budget plan that effectively scraps Medicare is already a campaign issue that should terrify Republicans.
As television host Rachel Maddow correctly points out, Republican candidates pledged to focus on supplying jobs to the millions of Americans who are out of work. GOP House members insist that all their legislative initiatives since early January are tied to new jobs.
It is a stretch that their Jan. 19 repeal of the Affordable Care Act has anything to do with job creation. Or their new proposals on Tuesday, Feb. 8, to add restrictions on funding for abortions and eliminate federal financing for women’s health care clinics that provide abortions. Republican House members engaged in internal party squabbles over funding reductions.
An end to gridlock? Republicans can barely agree on a bad course of action, much less any course.
American voters will always be upset with this country’s direction so long as Democrats and Republicans are fighting one another. Why must we tolerate this?
More importantly, why must voters be forced to choose between candidates from the two major parties? Each Democrat voted out of Congress was replaced by a Republican. Did the dissidents specifically want Republicans in charge? Would voters consider electing a credible independent with a viable chance of winning?
Let’s suppose that in Congressional District 1 an independent candidate with a sensible platform entered the race against the Democratic incumbent and the Republican challenger. Voters are disappointed, justly or not, with the Democratic incumbent and are not enthused with the Republican. What would they do?
Under the present system, they might fear they will throw their vote away for the independent because most of their neighbors will vote Democrat or Republican. Or, the independent might draw votes from the lesser of the two partisan evils - in this case, the Republican - and the greater evil, the Democrat, will win. Also, the party candidates no doubt are better financed and operate more efficient political organizations.
Suppose a system is created in which no one candidate draws votes away from another candidate. Instead, citizens can vote for their candidates and then list their next preferences. If no candidate wins a majority of votes, then a person’s vote can be transferred to a next-preference candidate with a larger share of the votes.
The Center for Voting and Democracy describes further how the system, called Instant Runoff Voting, operates: “IRV allows voters to rank candidates in order of preference. Voters have the option to rank as many or as few as they wish, but can vote without fear that ranking less favored candidates will harm the chances of their most preferred candidates.
“First choices are then tabulated, and if a candidate receives a majority of first choices, he or she is elected. If nobody has a clear majority of votes on the first count, a series of runoffs are simulated, using each voter’s preferences indicated on the ballot. The weakest candidates are successively eliminated and their voters’ ballots are redistributed to next choices until a candidate earns a majority of votes.”
IRV has prompted criticisms, but at the very least it takes us in the right direction away from what we now have.
An educated guess: If IRV was in place last November nationwide, the new crop of House members would have likely consisted of a healthy mix of independents and Republicans, along with incumbent Democrats who survived re-election because voters ranked them as their next preference. Maybe neither party would have the majority.
The infusion of a large number of independents in Congress would be the best move for America. The democratic process would be enlivened. Independents would inherently act on the basis of policy and the needs of their constituents. They will not be beholden to either major political party to any appreciable degree, even though they would form alliances with either party depending on the issue at hand.
A system allowing for expansion of candidates would also render conflicts over redistricting somewhat irrelevant. Every 10 years, each major party maneuvers to benefit their chances of winning the most congressional seats. What difference would redistricting make if a level playing field was created for independents?
There are good people with fine intentions in both parties, but they will always factor in the wider political needs of their parties. They need their parties for financial and organizational support in future elections, and they will consider how there votes will affect the political fortunes of other party members.
As it stands, it is nearly impossible to comprehend why the Republican Party exists now except to perpetuate their place in government. They back policies that are harmful to the poor and middle class, and only the greediest among the rich need their help. Democrats make a good-faith effort to serve the public, but they still tailor their positions to shore up re-election chances for the president and for senators and representatives from swing areas.
Democratic leaders would call this moving to the center, others would call it blatant pandering.
Two independents now serving in the Senate usually vote with the Democrats. Sen. Bernie Sanders, a self-acknowledged socialist, evolved as a highly respected mayor of Burlington, part of the largest metropolitan area in Vermont, and he subsequently served in the House before running for the Senate in 2006.
Sen. Joseph I. Lieberman represented Connecticut for three terms before losing the Democratic primary in 2006. He ran as an independent and beat the Democratic nominee in the general election.
The emergence of viable independent candidates is possible in communities with relatively small constituencies such as congressional districts and in small states for Senate and governor posts. It does not seem practical for an independent to get elected president or senator in a large state.
The latter thought may appear to be unrealistic, but it is certainly not impossible. After all, this is America.
The McCain qualifier
Meghan McCain, 26, whose father chose Sarah Palin as his running mate in 2008, slammed Christine O’Donnell’s qualifications as a Senate candidate during an interview on ABC News’ “This Week” on Sunday, Oct. 15.
She proclaimed, “She has no real history, no real success in any kind of business. What that sends to my generation is, one day, you can just wake up and run for Senate, no matter how (much of a lack of experience) you have.”
I would certainly not vote for O’Donnell, but she still has the constitutional right to run for office. One day, Meghan will be able to wake up one day and run for the Senate - when she turns 30. She can now run for the House of Representatives (25 is the minimum age) and at 35 she can run for president.
She can even compete with her father for the Republican nomination…in 2020. Or she can run against dad in the general election as a Democrat or of another party.
When the delegates convened for the Constitutional Convention in 1787, they demanded very little of candidates for the presidency, the House and the Senate. They only need to meet certain age requirements and to live in their state on election day. Candidates for Congress must live in this country for so many years and, as we all know, a candidate for president must be born in this country.
This last requirement alienated Frank Costanza, George’s father on Seinfeld, who emigrated from Italy to Queens. Played by Jerry Stiller, Frank one day declares: “That’s why I could never become president. That’s also why, from an early age, I never had any interest in politics. They don’t want me, I don’t want them.”
Practically speaking, both qualified and unqualified candidates get nominated and elected to office. It is the right and responsibility of the people to decide who is suited for public office, and very often the public makes both exceptional and dreadful choices.
Most people would gamble their life savings on Democrat Chris Coons wiping out O’Donnell, a Republican, in the Delaware Senate election on Tuesday.
If Meghan wants to do this right, she might start a drive to amend the Constitution to add requirements for qualifications. Her father would be easily disqualified if the qualifications cover even temperament, courtesy to colleagues and…drum roll, please…judgment in their choice of vice presidential running mates.
We will never forget when her dad, Sen. John McCain, picked Palin to run for vice president in the presidential election. We also will never forget what McCain gave us.
The question of qualifications is intriguing. Some people would automatically demand an IQ test. More conservative citizens may well set a quota on graduates of Eastern Seaboard universities like Yale, Harvard and Princeton.
It is worth considering a set of qualifications not only for presidential candidates but also congressional hopefuls. It would be awfully hard to determine qualifications on which most Americans can concur.
However, three related issues come to mind which deserve consideration.
Recall when Hillary Clinton ran for senator of New York? Critics piled on that she was moving from Arkansas to New York as sort of a carpetbagger in reverse. She was criticized for running for the Senate almost immediately after moving into the state.
It is legitimate for anyone to wonder if she was taking advantage of New Yorkers to establish a political career. After all, Clinton must have understood that New Yorkers would be more accepting of her political views than Arkansans.
In West Virginia this year, Republican Senate candidate John Raese divides his time between West Virginia and Palm Beach. His children attend school in Palm Beach and his wife is registered to vote in Florida, not West Virginia.
Maybe he plans to divide his time between Palm Beach and Washington, D.C., if he is elected senator.
Residency requirements for congressional candidates should be expanded. Candidates must demonstrate a basic commitment to the state they want to represent or govern. That can only be guaranteed by enactment of strong law or amendment of the Constitution.
They should live in their adopted state for a specific number of years, probably between three to five years. Anyone living in his residence must be registered to vote in the state that s/he seeks to represent.
We should also consider whether a House member should live in the congressional district that s/he represents.
My representative, Democrat Bob Brady, lives in Philadelphia, but a different section. Brady has served his constituents well and he certainly understands the needs of the congressional district, which are primarily the same in the district where he lives.
In addition, there is always the potential that a member of Congress can be redistricted out of their district. S/he could be representing, and living in, a congressional district for decades and then the state legislature changes the district’s boundaries separate from the town or street where the congressperson lives.
It just seems peculiar that a member of Congress lives outside his/her district no matter how effective, qualified and experienced s/he might be.
The provision requiring presidential candidates can be safely overturned. Two governors who are barred from running for president can probably be trusted for loyalty to America just as much as any other politician here.
Michigan Gov. Jennifer Granholm moved from Vancouver, Canada, to California when she was 4 years old and later moved to Michigan. Her husband is a Michigan native.
California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger moved from Austria to Los Angeles more than 40 years ago and has been an American citizen for more than 25 years. As a movie superstar, he has been a taxation bonanza and he contributes to charitable causes.
Besides, the United States is at peace with both Austria and Canada for the moment.
For those who want to assure that Schwarzenegger cannot be elected president, we can submit this provision: no mangled Austrian accents in the Oval Office.